medellin colombia — In December 2025, Colombian President Gustavo Petro formally recognized the first eight indigenous territorial entities (ETIs) in the Colombian Amazon, giving indigenous communities greater authority to govern their territories, manage public resources, and exercise environmental and administrative powers through their own institutions.
The decision was celebrated as a historic victory for indigenous groups who have pressured the government for decades to fulfill constitutional promises that have been repeatedly delayed since 1991.
But as Petro enters the final stages of his presidency, many indigenous leaders and supporters warn that the struggle is far from over. It argues that although the first eight ETIs now exist on paper, the same state structures that blocked indigenous autonomy for decades continue to impede their effective implementation today.
Constitutional Promise Delayed
Carlos Fernández, a human rights advocate and member of the California-based NGO Amazon Watch, argues that delays in ETI recognition are not primarily related to legal issues. The constitutional framework already existed. The obstacles were therefore rather political and ideological.
“The Colombian government has a very centralized, racist and classist view of indigenous peoples, viewing them not as full political subjects capable of making their own choices, but as minors who still need to be cared for and decisions made,” Fernández said. Latin America Report.
That way of thinking, he argues, helps explain why constitutional rights have remained largely unenforced for more than 30 years. What changed during Petro’s presidency, he believes, was not the legal framework but the political will that ultimately pushed the process forward.
Awareness and Implementation
Fernández acknowledges that the Petro government has shown greater willingness to advance this process, but explains that recognition alone cannot resolve the deeper institutional conflicts that continue to complicate ETI implementation.
“There still exists a centralized perspective within state structures that has little recognition of the dynamics and unique characteristics of the region, let alone the people who live there.”
As a result, tensions continue to emerge between indigenous authorities and state institutions. According to Fernández, ETI is intended to expand indigenous peoples’ autonomy, but many institutions continue to operate as if ultimate authority lies within the state, creating debate about how to administer the territory.
He believes these frictions will not go away.
“This will continue to be a source of friction. This problem will not be resolved by this government, which is already nearing the end of its term, or by the next government. After 200 years of history, these attitudes are still deeply entrenched in the country’s governmental structures, so a much longer process of changing understanding and mindset will be needed.”
Fernández warns that these problems could grow further if the next government does not maintain Petro’s commitment to expanding indigenous territorial autonomy. Abelardo de la Espriella, who was elected last month, has pledged to expand oil, gas and mining production and the next environment minister has proposed streamlining consultation with communities for development projects, and Fernández said he was concerned these policy priorities could complicate ETI implementation.
A region formed by conflict
ETI implementation is also underway as the security environment throughout the Colombian Amazon is rapidly changing.
“In the case of armed groups, new forms of social control have emerged that are fundamentally based on undermining the social and organizational structures of indigenous communities, particularly by undermining indigenous authorities and traditional systems of self-government.”
Fernández argues that armed groups no longer operate only within indigenous territories. They are increasingly trying to form institutions that sustain these populations. Through intimidation and coercion, some actors reportedly pressured and threatened community leaders, undermined local organizations, disrupted autonomous decision-making processes, and exploited indigenous legal systems for their own gain to undermine the government structures that ETI sought to strengthen.
“What is currently prevalent throughout the Amazon is a form of criminal governance. It is a solid parallel state. Unfortunately, governments in Colombia and across the region have failed to take the necessary steps to protect these populations.”
He warned that effective enforcement of the ETI would remain vulnerable without stronger state action against armed groups and the illicit economy.
Wars over land and resources
In addition to armed conflict, indigenous territorial autonomy is also developing amid long-standing conflicts over land ownership across the Amazon.
“There are time bombs waiting to explode throughout the territory,” says Fernández.
He explains that many of these tensions relate to overlapping claims between indigenous and farming communities, African-descendant communities, and even indigenous groups. As the Colombian state continues to develop land ownership procedures and recognize new territorial figures, unresolved disputes over who has legitimate authority over certain areas are becoming increasingly visible.
At the same time, conflicts over natural resource extraction are likely to be another source of friction. Fernández noted that while Petro has promoted environmental protection and climate leadership, government support for mining projects involving copper and other key minerals could create new obstacles for indigenous groups. This is especially true as competing actors offer different visions of how Amazon land should be used.
For Fernández, the implications go far beyond issues of governance or territorial rights. Indigenous communities have long been at the forefront of protecting the Amazon forest, but he warns that conservation efforts become much more difficult as communities face ongoing conflict over land and increasing pressure from extractive industries.
“It will be very difficult for indigenous authorities to continue to contribute to efforts to control deforestation if indigenous communities do not have the conditions and guarantees they need to freely exercise their governance, territorial management and protection systems.”
The Future of Indigenous Autonomy
For Fernández, the long-term success of ETI depends not only on formal recognition but also on whether indigenous governments are provided with the tools and conditions they need to actually exercise their power.
“There must be a substantial internal development of the legal, political and economic institutions that function within these regions, built around indigenous worldviews, ways of understanding the world, and the long-term life plans that these communities envision and seek to implement.”
In his view, success involves building relationships between indigenous peoples and national authorities based on balance and coordination rather than hierarchy. But this will require government agencies to move away from long-standing ways of thinking that place state agencies above indigenous governments.
“There is still a lot of work to be done to understand how this can function as a horizontal relationship rather than a top-down system.”
According to Fernández, whether this change occurs may ultimately determine whether the ETI becomes an innovative model of territorial governance or another constitutional promise that is only partially fulfilled.
Featured image caption: Government officials meet with representatives of the Misak and Pijao indigenous groups.
Featured image credit: National Land Recovery Agency.
