Chairman of Eritrea Isaiah Afhouki: 30 years, one leader

The president of Eritrea, who once welcomed the new generation of reformist African leaders, has long ignored expectations for the last 32 years.

ISAIAS AFWERKI now spends a lot of time in his rural residence on the hills of about 20 km (12 miles) in the capital, Asmara.

Since the cabinet has not met since 2018, all power flows through him, and like a strong people, he receives a series of local officials and high -ranking foreign officials when he retreats.

It is also a magnet for ordinary Eritrians who expect Isaia to help the problem.

He is 79 years old and has never exercised power for 30 years, and there is little sign of that change.

But in the 1990s, the situation seemed very different.

Isaisas was a rebel leader and was 45 years old when his EPLF defeated Ethiopia in 1991. Those who fought in the war are remembered on June 20th on June 20th.

Tall and charismatic, he inspired hope at home and abroad.

Following the official independence in 1993, Isaia was the first national manager on the international stage.

In Cairo, he attended the continental leader summit and said, “We have bothered African leaders of African leaders who wanted to maintain power for decades.

He promised Eritrea the same old failed approach and promised democratic order to support his social and economic development. His position was praised by him from Eritians and diplomats.

In the early days of the early independence, I enjoyed a brilliant international reception and had a close relationship with the West who knew moving.

In 1995, after inviting Eritrea leaders to an elliptical office, US President Bill Clinton expressed his gratitude for a strong start for democracy.

Eritrea has just begun writing a new constitution that is expected to establish a law and democracy.

Isaisas had to be the “transitional president” until the constitutional government was elected. The new constitution was ratified by the members of the May 1997.

But just as the Eritians and the world expected the national elections in 1998, the war between Eritrea and neighbor Ethiopia broke out beyond the controversial border.

Isaisam accused the war as a justification for acting as an indefinite.

He promised a multilateral democratic system and his resolution was tested after reaching a peace agreement in 2000.

Some of his ministers, including close friends and comrades of weapons, began to demand reform.

In an open letter published in March 2001, a senior official of G-15, a G-15, accused the president abusing his authority and becoming more and more dictatorship. They demanded the implementation of the constitution and the national elections.

Since the mid -1990s, the Eritrea people have tasted some freedom with a newspaper that has a critical voice that has been renamed as a people’s front for democracy and justice in the ruling party.

The National Assembly decides when the elections will take place, the election committee has been formed, and the proposed party law has room for controversy.

This country seemed to be on a slow road toward democratization.

However, the fragile opening was suddenly closed in September 2001, and the world’s attention focused on the US 9/11 attack.

One morning, the authorities closed all independent newspapers to effectively silence critical voices. Many editors and journalists were detained and never seen again.

At the same time, the government arrested 11 of the G-15, including three former foreign ministers, the military’s ministers and some members of the National Assembly. They have seen or heard since then.

Many Eritians’ hopes rushed.

But ISAIAS has not already introduced democratic changes.

In April 2001, he said, “I was not intended to participate in the party.”

“I have no intention to participate in the party right now, and I have no intention of participating in the party.”

He also described the democratic process as “confusion,” and said PFDJ was “not a party.”

It has become clear that many people will prevent the president from keeping democratic reforms.

The failure to maintain the silence and elections of the critics gained the status of his country and his country.

But his supporters say he is unfairly designated by Western countries and praises him as a symbol of national liberation.

In 2002, he dismissed transitional assembly to inform him informally responsible, and was actually performed in the same as the Cabinet in 2018.

Some older ministers who have no true authority are now leading weak government agencies, and many ministries, including defense, remain without pastors.

Many wonder why independent heroes have experienced such oppressive change.

Abdella Adem, a former regional governor and senior ambassador, said that Isaiah never believed democracy and was always obsessed with power. According to ABDELLA, who lives in exile in London, he led EPLF with iron fists before independence.

“He systematically weakened and removed leaders with the public’s legitimacy and the credibility of the struggle to challenge his authority.”

Surprisingly, in May 2014, Isaia announced a plan for a new constitution, and later ratified in 1997, the Constitution said, “I was dead.” But since then, there has been no progress.

The proposal to write a new constitution may have been caused by the coup of a senior military officer in 2013.

They drove the tank to the capital and seized the control of national TVs and radio stations for several hours.

Realized that attempts failed, they tried to broadcast the constitution in 1997 and to broadcast a request to release political prisoners. But the security army pulled the middle broadcast in the middle of the plug.

Many officials, including mining ministers, governors, diplomats and generals, were detained. The leader of the coup killed himself to avoid arrest.

Former diplomat Zeraslasie Shiker left his position in Nigeria and found asylum in England. Ambassador Ali Omeru, a veteran of his boss, was later detained and still remaining.

Zeraslasie, a Ph.D., Leeds University, said, “The government that fixes people like Isai Ashwarki does not allow true politics and social institutions or laws.”

“The indefinite suspension of the Eritrea Constitution and the collapse of the government’s president’s office should be understood in this context.”

The internationally isolated Isaia withdrew from the world stage. He did not attend the same summit, such as the UN General Assembly and the African Union.

According to the World Bank’s evaluation last year, the economy of this country was “struggling.”

“Economic activities are limited to low -developed infrastructure and national domination and are limited by strict import control,” the authors added that the financial sector is “weak”.

Isaiah himself acknowledged the problem in an interview with TV in December last year.

“The living economy will lead us anywhere. Currently, we are not in a better position than many other African countries.”

Isais also rejects humanitarian aid, citing fear of dependence to undermine the principle of “independence.”

Many Eritians, especially young people, are trapped in an indefinite national service that justifies because of a series of conflicts trapped in indefinite national service and tension with neighbors. Everyday life is a nightmare. Under the oppression regime they face the future with little hope or freedom.

The lack of political progress leads to disillusionment, and because of forced draft and national violence, many people can be in danger of finding and escaping freedom.

In the last 20 years, hundreds of thousands have fled and crossed the desert and the sea to find a safe shelter. The Eritians are the third most common nationalities in which they are now refugee status in England.

In last month’s independence, Isaiah did not give a hint about the changes that many Eritrians wanted to see. There was no mention of the constitution, state elections, or the release of political prisoners.

At the same time, there was no specific plan to turn the nation’s pathological economy.

Despite the criticism of the house, President Isaiah maintains the support of those who consider some of the population, especially the military, dominant network, and the symbol of national independence and resistance to foreign interference.

The president also has a strong support among some of Diaspora, and believes that Western forces are conspiracy to undermine Eritrea’s independence.

As frustration grew in Eritrea, ISAIAS retreated home from ASMARA in 2014 and looked down at the ADI Hallo dam, which was closely supervised by architecture.

As ISAIAS gets closer to 80, many people are afraid of what can happen next.

Since no further meeting was held, a clear attempt to trim his eldest son at the 2018 Cabinet Conference was reportedly blocked at the 2018 Cabinet Conference.

However, I have found that there is no obvious succession plan to replace the regime, or that it is difficult for many people to imagine the future without directors.

“The president’s office is holding the country from the collapse,” Keraslasie warns.

During this year’s Easter vacation, ISAIAS saw Kissing on the cross at Asmara’s Mass. Some believe that he is pursuing spiritual redemption, and others hope to release political prisoners.

But at the moment, while Isaia is firmly controlled, the Eritrians are waiting for a long and unstable change.